Europe's assault on Western Sahara

The theft of fish from Western Saharan waters should be damned by the European commission, not encouraged



There is one surefire way of allowing the internet to damage your sanity: spend too much time reading politicians' blogs. Take a recent post from Maria Damanaki, whose career has taken her from agitating against the Greek dictatorship in the 1970s to being the European commissioner for fisheries today. "Blue should become green," she declared in her blog on EU efforts to lessen the ecological destruction wrought by illegal fishing.
Those efforts might have some credibility if the Brussels bureaucracy was not actively encouraging European vessels to act unlawfully in the waters off Western Sahara.
In 2005, the EU and Morocco signed a lucrative fisheries agreement. Entering into force two years later, its small print stated that European fishermen may operate in Western Sahara, which Morocco has occupied since 1974, provided that their activities benefit the indigenous Sahrawi people.
To date, the European commission has not only failed to produce evidence that the theft of fish from their waters aids the Sahrawis, it has sought to justify that theft on false premises. In a new letter sent to the organisation Western Sahara Resource Watch, the commission selectively quotes a Swedish lawyer's opinion to contend that economic activities affecting an occupied territory would only be illegal if they disregarded the "needs and interests" of the people under occupation.
This is not the first time that the commission has misrepresented the views of that lawyer, Hans Correll, whose 2002 paper had been prepared for the UN. Speaking at a 2008 conference in Pretoria, Correll said it was "incomprehensible" that EU officials could find anything in his paper that would support their case. Correll then noted that all of the payments made as a result of the fisheries accord would go to Morocco and that the Rabat authorities would explicitly enjoy full discretion over how to use them. He was so incensed about how the agreement did not refer to Morocco's responsibility to respect the Sahrawis right to self-determination that he said: "As a European, I feel embarrassed. Surely one would expect Europe and the European commission to set an example by applying the highest possible international legal standards in matters of this nature."
It is instructive that 100 of the 119 European vessels granted access to Western Sahara's waters through the agreement are registered in Spain, the territory's former colonial overlord. Spain's manifest commercial and geostrategic interests in this murky affair undermines the EU's claims to be neutral in the dispute over the territory's future. If it was neutral or even-handed, the EU would be heeding a statement issued by the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (officially recognised as the representatives of the Sahrawi people by some 75 countries) in January last year. On that occasion, the SADR asserted its people's exclusive rights to exploit the natural resources in a 200-nautical-mile zone surrounding the territory.
Those resources do not appear limited to fish. In 2001, Morocco announced that it had handed licenses to the French and American energy firms Total and Kerr-McGee so that they could search for oil off Western Sahara. The companies have subsequently withdrawn from the contracts under pressure from human rights campaigners. But the perception that Western Sahara has rich oil reserves – oil fields have been found in neighbouring Mauritania – helps explain why policymakers in both the EU and US have been so eager to strengthen their relations with Morocco. In April, 54 members of the Senate – a bipartisan majority – put their names to a letter calling on the US to effectively approve Morocco's annexation of Western Sahara.
While this grubby power game continues, the Sahrawis who fled to Algeria in the 1970s have no prospect of returning home. Unicef hasdescribed how most of the estimated 150,000 Sahrawi refugees know only the sight of their camps – "vast, flat wastelands with the harshness of one of the hottest deserts in the world". A scarcity of fresh food there has left one in 10 women suffering from anaemia.
It is not true that these refugees are completely forgotten about. In 2009, the European commission said it was "committed to assisting these vulnerable people until a political solution can be found for their plight". It released €10m in humanitarian aid but failed to explain that the amount it will be paying Morocco over the four years of the fisheries accord's duration will exceed €144m.
Isn't there something rotten about how Europe throws a pittance at the poor, while it empties the seas of their homeland?

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Western Sahara and the tide of history


by Stefan Simanowitz and Ken Loach
In 1960, the UN adopted resolution 1514 which stated that all people have a right to self-determination and that colonialism should be brought to a speedy and unconditional end. Half a century later it may come as a surprise to readers to learn that there are still 16 territories around the world that have yet to achieve de-colonisation. Known as “non-self governing territories”, the list of places still ruled by a foreign power contains some familiar names: Gibraltar and Falkland Islands (Malvinas) to name just two. But while some of these territories like the tiny Pacific Island of Tokelau are dependencies that could be said to have rejected independence and democratically chosen to maintain their territorial status, others are more controversial. Most notable is Western Sahara, known as Africa’s last colony, which has fought for self-determination for over 35 years against neighbouring Morocco.

In New York, the UN’s Fourth Committee on Decolonisation has been hearing petitions from people speaking on behalf of these non-self governing territories. As with previous occasions, this year’s meeting was dominated by petitions on the conflict in Western Sahara, a conflict that remains one of the longest running in the world.

About the size of Britain, Western Sahara lies along Africa’s Atlantic coast. In 1976, in a breach of international law, the departing Spanish divided Western Sahara between Morocco and Mauritania in exchange for continued fishing rights and partial ownership of mining interests. A 15-year war ensued between the Moroccans and the Polisario Front, with the Mauritanians withdrawing in 1979. In 1991 a ceasefire was declared and under the terms of a UN agreement a referendum for self-determination was promised. Nineteen years later the native Saharawi are still awaiting that referendum.

An estimated 165,000 Saharawi refugees who fled the fighting are still housed in desolate refugee camps in the Algerian desert. Despite aid from the United Nations, conditions in the camps are abject with widespread health problems including hepatitis B, anaemia and meningitis. A 2008 survey by the World Health Organisation, suggested that one in five children in the camps suffers from acute malnutrition.

Within occupied Western Sahara, the Saharawi population face discrimination and human rights abuses. International organisations including the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights have raised serious concerns over violations of human rights in the territory and a 2008 report by Human Rights Watch found that Morocco had violated the rights to expression, association, and assembly in Western Sahara.

8 October marked the first anniversary of the arrest of several prominent human rights defenders who were arrested in Casablanca airport after returning from a visit to the refugee camps. Three of the activists – Brahim Dahane, Ali Salem Tamek, and Ahmed Naciri are still imprisoned in Sale jail, Rabat awaiting trial. To mark the occasion we joined a delegation to Downing Street, which handed in a letter to David Cameron calling on the British government to increase efforts to ensure that these men get a free and fair trial leading to their unconditional release.

Against the backdrop of this human tragedy, the European Union has concluded a fisheries agreement with Morocco under which Western Saharan waters are being unlawfully exploited by European fishing vessels. Many foreign governments and companies are involved in deals with Morocco, which give them access to Western Saharan vast mineral resources, most notably phosphates.

The UN Fourth Committee heard over 80 petitions on the subject of Western Sahara including an impassioned plea from Suzanne Scholte, president of the Defence Forum Foundation. “Do not let the [Saharawi people’s] trust in this Committee be in vain or you will send a terrible signal to the world that invasion, aggression and violence, as Morocco has employed, are the ways to achieve your ends,” she said.

Despite many attempts to break the long-running diplomatic stalemate, progress towards a resolution has been tortuously slow. A political solution may seem far off with the parties positions being so far apart: the Polisario Front being unprepared to negotiate away their legitimate right to self-determination, Morocco rejecting any proposal that contains even the possibility of independence, and the Security Council so far unwilling to enforce its own resolutions. But history has shown that a political solution is the only way forward.

Nevertheless, it is important to stress that a political solution to this problem is far too important to be left in the hands of politicians. It is up to us all, to civil society groups, campaigners and individuals to make their voices heard. We must demand that our governments around the world exert diplomatic and political pressure on those who are ignoring the requirements laid out under international law and blocking a referendum of self-determination in Western Sahara.

As Martin Luther King said, “The arc of history may be long but it always bends towards justice.” There is little doubt that the people of Western Sahara have both the tide of history and the force of justice on their side.



Ken Loach is a film maker.

Stefan Simanowitz is a writer, journalist and broadcaster.

He attended the Decolonisation Committee 
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Morocco force honor



Moroccan Forces Raid ,Destroy Protest Camp in Western Sahara, Thousands Demonstrate in Madrid Against Crackdown







AMY GOODMAN: Thousands of people demonstrated in Madrid Saturday against Morocco’s recent crackdown in Western Sahara. Moroccan security forces last week raided a camp where some 20,000 Sahrawis had been staging a massive protest against the Moroccan occupation. The Moroccan forces used water cannons, tear gas, batons, fired rubber bullets, to break up the protest camp. Dozens of protesters were wounded. The raid ended what had been described as the biggest protest in Western Sahara since Spain withdrew from the territory 35 years ago. Morocco has announced it will try in a military court over 100 Sahrawi activists who participated in the organization of the camp.
On Saturday, thousands took to the streets of Madrid, Spain, to protest the crackdown. Among those demonstrating were European lawmakers, civil rights and trade union leaders, as well as Academy Award-winning Spanish actor Javier Bardem.
JAVIER BARDEM: I’m here today just to show my support to the Sahrawi people and to condemn the violence by the Moroccan government—dictatorship, I would say. And we have to fight for the independence of the Sahrawi people, because the land is theirs, and now it’s totally occupied by Morocco with the support of the United Nations, United States, France, Spain and a lot of other countries.
PROTESTER: [translated] I am here to demonstrate against the injustices taking place in my country. It’s very sad to see that those who govern us support the tyrants and the terrorists.
WILLY MEYER PLEITE: [translated] I am Willy Meyer. I am a European parliamentarian for the United Left Party of Spain, and I represent the Communist Party on an international level. I am here to show my solidarity towards the Sahrawi people.
GUILLERMO TOLEDO: My name is Willy Toledo, and I am an actor, Spanish actor. And I am here for the demonstration to protest against the situation over there and the things that the governments all over the world are doing, which is nothing.
EMBARKA BACHIR: [translated] I am Embarka Bachir. I’m from the Western Sahara. And I’m here to demonstrate against the injustice and to support independence for the people of the Western Sahara. We’re here to ask the Spanish government and the United States to help us end the injustices that Morocco is committing to our people. They’re committing terrible injustices. They’re mistreating the Sahrawi people.
AMY GOODMAN: Some of the thousands of people in Saturday’s protest in Madrid, Spain. Special thanks to former Democracy Now!producer Maria Carrion for that film.
Well, for more, we’re going to go right to the Western Sahara to speak with Peter Bouckaert, Human Rights Watch’s emergencies director. He’s joining us on the phone from Laâyoune.
Welcome to Democracy Now! Can you explain the latest? But also recognizing that most people in the United States and in many places in the world don’t even know this conflict exists, so put it in context.
PETER BOUCKAERT: Yes. For the last few months, there has been a protest camp outside the city of El-Aaiún, where thousands of people from the Western Sahara, which was annexed by Morocco in the 1970s, protested the living conditions they are facing, the high unemployment and the social conditions. And last Monday, the Moroccan authorities, the security forces, went into the camp and effectively shut down the camp, and the very violent clashes erupted in the camp and also in the neighboring city of El-Aaiún, which the administrative capital of the Western Sahara.
AMY GOODMAN: There are very few journalists there. How are you able to operate inside as a human rights director?
PETER BOUCKAERT: Well, I was turned back twice from the airport myself while trying to make our way down to El-Aaiún. And I think it’s very sad that the Moroccan authorities are continuing to prevent many journalists from reaching this [inaudible], because it has led to a lack of information about what is actually happening on the ground and has [inaudible] the anger of the international community rather than getting the truth out there about what is actually happening on the ground.
AMY GOODMAN: What are people calling for in Western Sahara, Peter Bouckaert?
PETER BOUCKAERT: Well, there’s obviously a variety of voices out there. Many people in the Western Sahara feel that their country is occupied by the Moroccans. They want—some people want independence. Some people want greater autonomy. But this process was much more about the social conditions that people are facing on the ground, the very high levels of unemployment that exist and the general climate of repression that many people feel. And since the crackdown on the protest camp, there has been a wave of arrests and very serious abuses in detention.
AMY GOODMAN: What are those abuses, Peter Bouckaert?
PETER BOUCKAERT: Well, we have been interviewing people who have been released from detention, men and women, and they have been very severely beaten in detention. Some of the men have been threatened with rape. And they have shown us the bruises that they got from those brutal beatings. They’re being asked to confess to being involved in the violence and in the killing of security forces, as well as to the involvement of Algerian security forces and other outside elements. Obviously, these are forms of torture, and they will result in very unreliable confessions. So we’re calling on the Moroccan authorities to end these abuses in custody and to treat these detainees with respect and to ensure that they have fair trials.
AMY GOODMAN: When people there hear about the mass protests in places like Madrid, the thousands of people who marched this weekend, what effect does it have?
PETER BOUCKAERT: Well, I watched these news reports at the house of a family of the Western Sahara. Obviously, they were very encouraged that there is this international support. But I think it is important that the international support is based on an accurate view of the information. It’s still very unclear how high the death toll was among civilians, and there certainly are some claims out there which exaggerate the number of civilians who are killed. But our main concern right now is about the abuses that people are facing in detention and also the access to Western Sahara. Journalists and international investigators should be granted access to El-Aaiún, so they can come and establish the truth and report from the ground, and so pressure can build to end this repression which is taking place and these arrests and abuses in detention.
AMY GOODMAN: This is also the first anniversary of the Sahrawi human rights activist Aminatou Haidar holding a hunger fast in the Canary Islands airport, where she stayed for 32 years, languishing in the airport when Morocco refused to let her enter Laâyoune. She’s back getting medical treatment. In the next few days she’s going to attempt to fly back to where you are in Laâyoune, the city taken over by police and the military, where no international journalists, very few observers, are allowed access. She fears she’ll either be denied entrance or arrested when she returns. Peter Bouckaert, what do you expect?
PETER BOUCKAERT: Well, when I was at the airport, I was myself turned around twice. The Moroccan authorities claimed that there was a technical problem with my ticket, but it was very clear that intelligence agents at the airport had ordered the airline not to allow me to board. I saw many Spanish and Moroccan journalists being turned around, as well. So there certainly is a denial of access, and I fear that she will also be turned around or at least have some difficulty before she’s allowed to return to El-Aaiún.
AMY GOODMAN: And the trials, what do you expect of these trials, Morocco announcing it will try in a military court over a hundred Sahrawi activists?
PETER BOUCKAERT: Well, the information we have is that over a hundred activists have now been charged in civilian court, and at least six activists, major leaders, have been transferred to a military court in Rabat. Because of the use of torture and other abuses during detention, we’re very concerned about the fairness of these trials. We’ve met with the lawyers of these detained activists, and they have been unable to meet with their clients, and the families also have not been able to meet with their detained relatives. So we are seeking meetings with the authorities to try to push for greater access to these people in detention and also for fair trials and an end to the abuses that they are facing, which are very severe.
AMY GOODMAN: Peter Bouckaert, I want to thank you for being with us, Human Rights Watch’s emergencies director, speaking to us from Laâyoune in Western Sahara.
We’re also joined by Stephen Zunes, professor of politics and international studies and chair of Middle Eastern Studies at the University of San Francisco, co-author of a new book called Western Sahara: War, Nationalism, and Conflict Irresolution.
Professor Zunes, thank you for being with us. Start off by putting this all in a context. Again, as I asked Peter Bouckaert, most people don’t even know this is taking place, that there is this conflict and occupation.
STEPHEN ZUNES: Well, we’re looking at a situation that bears striking parallels to East Timor: on the verge of decolonization from a minor colonial power, the large neighbor came and gobbled up the country, with the United Nations Security Council, along with the International Court of Justice, ruled that this takeover was illegal, called for Morocco’s withdrawal, but Morocco, like Indonesia, had some powerful friends on the UN Security Council, including the United States, which has blocked the world bodies from enforcing their mandates. And so, in fact, the invasion took place just six weeks prior to the Indonesian invasion of East Timor, in November of 1975. So, for more than 35 years, the people of Western Sahara have been suffering under a foreign military occupation.
For the first 15 years, there was an armed struggle led by the Polisario Front, and a ceasefire came to pass in 1991 in return for a United Nations-supervised referendum on the fate of the territory. But the Moroccans, recognizing they would lose such a referendum, have prevented it from taking place. And again, with the backing of the United States and France and the Security Council, the UN has been powerless to enforce its mandate.
Just a few years ago, the people of Western Sahara started what they refer to as "Intifada Istiqlal," Intifada for Independence, an overwhelmingly nonviolent struggle using the classic techniques of strategic nonviolent actions—strikes, boycotts, protests and the like—only to be met by increased Moroccan repression. And so, you have an irony of here you have a movement, which incidentally is—the most prominent leader of which is a woman, Aminatou Haidar. Here we have an Arab Muslim country engaged in nonviolent struggle to build a democracy and women’s rights, a very kind of a nation that Western countries say they want to see in the Arab and Islamic world, and yet we’re supporting this autocratic monarchy and crushing this nonviolent resistance.
AMY GOODMAN: Describe what’s happening at the United Nations right now, the talks that are taking place and who the Polisario are.
STEPHEN ZUNES: Well, the Polisario is recognized as the government of Western Sahara. In fact, the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic, which was declared upon—not long after the withdrawal of Spanish colonialist forces, has been recognized by more than 70 nations. They’re a full-member state of the African Union. They have been engaged in these peace talks with Morocco. The Polisario is pushing for the Moroccans to allow for a free and fair referendum, choosing between independence or to become integrated in Morocco, as the United Nations and the World Court have mandated. However, the Moroccans, backed by the French and formerly by the Bush administration—the Obama administration has been a little more ambivalent on this—have instead pushed for a so-called autonomy agreement, where a certain—a very limited degree of autonomy would be granted to the people of Western Sahara, but Morocco would essentially stay in power. It would not grant them the option independence, which is legally necessary for a true act of self-determination.
AMY GOODMAN: And how this occupation has been able to go on for as long as it has?
STEPHEN ZUNES: Well, again, to use the East Timor analogy, it’s legally and morally, and almost in any other way you want to look at it, the people of Western Sahara do have the right to self-determination. But Morocco has the guns, has the occupation forces. Indeed, you know, I’ve been to 60 countries around the world, including Indonesia under Suharto and Iraq under Saddam, and I’ve never seen a worse police state than I have seen in the occupied Western Sahara. But the main reason is the continued support by France and the United States of Morocco. And I think, frankly, the only real hope for Western Sahara is what we saw in East Timor, that an international solidarity movement, that global civil society will come together and essentially shame the Western governments that are continuing to back Morocco into ending this kind of unconditional support and allow for a true act of self-determination to take place.AMY GOODMAN: The military relationship the U.S. has with Morocco and what exactly it could do?
STEPHEN ZUNES: Well, there have been very close ties between the United States and Morocco for quite a few years. During the Cold War, the monarchy was seen as a bulwark against communism and against left-leaning Arab nationalism. In more recent years, they’re seen as an ally in the so-called war on terrorism. It was massive U.S. military aid during the Reagan administration, including the use of U.S. Special Forces on the ground, that reversed the war that had been almost won by the Polisario. They liberated 85 percent of the country by 1981, but the Moroccans, with U.S. and French support, were able to beat back the Polisario, so now the Moroccans occupy 80 percent of the country.
And subsequently, the financial and diplomatic and military assistance of Morocco has enabled the occupying forces to keep a tight lid on the territory and suppress even nonviolent protest. I mean, there was hope that the protest camps, knowing if they’d said anything about independence, would be subjected to severe repression, limited their demands to pressing social and economic issues. But apparently even that was too much for the Moroccans, and we have seen the savage repression over the past week that has unfolded.
AMY GOODMAN: Stephen Zunes, I want to thank you for being with us, professor of politics and international studies and chair of the Middle Eastern Studies at University of San Francisco. He’s co-author of a new book called Western Sahara: War, Nationalism, and Conflict Irresolution
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أمير المؤمنين يسفك الدماء في الشهر الحرام...


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أمير المجرمين محمد السادس


باسم الله الرحمان الرحيم * إن عدة الشهور عند الله إثنا عشر شهرا في كتاب الله يوم خلق السماوات والأرض منها أربعة حرم ذالك الدين القيم فلا تظلموا فيهن أنفسكم * صدق الله العظيم، إنطلاقا من الآية الكريمة التي تدعوا كافة المسلمين الموقنين بوحدانية الخالق أن يحترموا ويُقدسوا شهور الله، منها شهر ذي القعدة وذي الحجة التي نقض فيها عهد الله محمد السادس وخالف كل الشرائع والتقاليد الإسلامية، فما شهدت الحِجج بكسر الحاء ملك يدعي إمارة المؤمنين يُخالف عهد الله ويجور على قوم مسلمين يُوحدون الله ويسفك دمائهم ويُشرد أسرهم ويسلب أرضهم في شهر من الأشهر الحُرم التي حرم فيها الله سبحانه وتعالى القتل وسفك الدماء والجور على الأقوام.. وجعلها أشهر السلم والآمان نظرا لعظمتها وقداستها، عند الله والأمة الإسلامية جمعاء، لكن من يدعي إمارة المؤمنين ظلم نفسه وشعبه في أشهر الله فاقترف ما إقترف...؟ فوالله لقد ظلم وجار..؟ قتل وغَار..؟ أبكى الأطفال والنساء والشيوخ في يوم العيد الذي يُفترض أن يكون يوم فرحة وأمن وأمان..؟ لقد ظلمت وما أنصفت فوالذي رفع السماء بغير عمد كل دمعة سالت من أعين نساء وشيوخ هذا الشعب المُغتصبت أرضه.. كل دمعة سالت من أعين أطفال هذا الشعب المسلم.. ستحاسب عليها يوم لا ينفعك لا مُلك ولا جاه ولا سُلطان..؟ واعلم أن الله هلك وأخذ بأخذ عزيز مُقتدر من هو أطغى منك وأشد قوة..؟ كما أذكرك لعل الذكرى تنفعك أن دعوة المظلوم مستجابة كما قال سيد المرسلين في الحديث القدسي * وعزتي وجلالي لأنصرنك ولو بعد حين * .. فما بالك بآيادي مظلومة رفعت في يوم عيد يستحي الله من عباده أن يردهم صفر اليدين..؟ فٱعلم أيَّ منقلب ستنقلب.. وستبدي لك الأيام والأقدار ما كنت جاهل.. الله أكبر، الله أكبر، الله أكبر من كل جبار طاغي ومن الإستعمار النازي


دينيا وإسلاميا قضية الصحرء الغربية وشعبها الشقيق مسؤولية كل عربي مسلم يُوحد الله، شأنها شأن القضية الفلسطينية، فالشعبين سيان مُحتلان مُستعمران تجمعهم وحدانية الله والإسلام والعروبة، ويُفرقهم العامل الجغرافي..؟ فكما يُقتل الأطفال وتُرمل النساء وتُشرد العائلات في فلسطين الحبيبة من طرف اليهود الصهاينة، كذالك ومثال يحدث مع الشعب الصحراوي المسلم الشقيق على يد اليهود المغاربة الغزاة المُتشبعين بالفكر النازي... فلازالت حملة التطهير العرقي والإختطافات والإعتقالات قائمة على قدم وساق ضد الشعب الصحراوي المناضل في غياب أي مراقبة دولية وأممية أو حقوقية في المنطقة المستعمرة، فمدينة العيون السليبة تحتضر ولحد الساعة لم يُستجد أي قرار رسمي ينصف المواطنين الصحراويّين من جحيم الإستعمار المغربي... فقد طفح الكيل.. وكَلَّ صَبرنا..؟ فلا بد من تدخل أممي رسمي لحل هذا المشكل الذي عمَّر أكثر من ثلاثة عقود ونيف والشعب الصحراوي بين مطرقة جحيم الإستعمار وسندان التماطل الدولي..؟ لقد حان اليوم للشعب الصحراوي أن ينعم بحريته وٱستقلاله.. فإن كان العكس فالكفاح المُسلح كفيل بضمانه والمناضلون المقاومون الصحراوييون الأشاوس فدا الصحراء وشعبها..؟ والله معهم ماداموا مُستعمرين مستظعفين مغلوبين على أمرهم من طرف النازي المغربي بقيادة رأس الفتنة محمد السادس الذي يحب أن يُحاكم من طرف المحكمة الجنائية الدولية بتهمة إرتكاب جرائم ضد الإنسانية منذ تربعه على عرش النازية الفاشية آخرها مجزرة الثامن من نوفمبر الأسود التي أصبح صيتها وصمة شؤم وعار على المطبخ الحقوقي المحلي والدولي.. هذا اليوم يجب أن يكون يوما عالميا نقف فيه دقائق بل ساعات صمت ترحما على شهداء الثامن نوفمبر الذين راحوا ضحية غدر رصاص الجيش النازي المغربي قاتل الأطفال

لقد تتبعنا بصفتنا حقوقيين ومغاربة تهمنا قضية إخواننا الصحراويّين الذين نُكن لهم كل الإحترام والتقدير ما روجت له وسائل إعلامنا التي نشك أصلا في نزاهتها كون أن الصور التي ظهرت على شاشات التلفزيون الإسباني كقناة -أنتينا تريس-.. مُفبركة وتعود إلى أحداث سبقت أن تناقلها وسائل الإعلام المرئي والمكتوب بالمغرب وفلسطين الأولى تخض الأطفال الذي يدعي النظام المغربي معززا أكاذيبه ومغالطاته التي لا يجهلها الرأي العام الوطني والدولي بالخائن للقضية الفلسطينية الملقب بكبير المفاوضين أنهم أطفال فلسطينين ضحايا العدوان الإسرائيلي..؟ ولم يقف الإعلام المغربي المخابراتي عند هذه الكذبة بل وصلت به الدنائة الإعلامية إلى وصف العائلة المُغتالة على يد الجيش المغربي الغاصب أنها مغربية وأن الحادثة وقعت كذالك العام الفارط في الدار البيضاء وهي جريمة قتل إقترفها شاب مغربي ضد أمه وعائلته مستدلين بجريدة الأحداث المغربية المعروفة بفبركة التصريحات والإستجوابات والأحداث وهي جريدة مخابراتية مائة بالمائة.. وأنا شخصيا ضحية من ضحيا هذه الجريدة التي تآمرت مع المخابرات ضدي وضد الصحفي علي لمرابط في السابع والعشرون من يوليوز ألفين وسته.. إذن كل ما جاء به الإعلام المغربي بخصوص الصور التي فضحت جرائم النظام المغربي كذب وبهتان وٱفتراء لا يمر على ذوي العقول السليمة...؟

أيها النظام الملكي النازي نحن صامدون مرابطون لكم بالمرصاد ندود عن إخواننا الصحراويّين بالغالي والنفيس...؟ سنُناضل سنكمل مسيرتنا الحقوقية من أجل بلدنا المغرب وشعبنا الذي هو جزء لا يتجزأ من قلوبنا... سنقول كلمة الحق ولو على حساب أرواحنا.. ولا نسمح للنظام الملكي الطاغي المستعمر أن يُورط شعبنا في جرائم ضد الشعب الصحراوي الحبيب.. وإن كان له ما يصبوا إليه فعلى جثثنا نحن المناضلين المغاربة كي يعلم العالم أن هناك من الشباب المغربي من ضحوا بأنفسهم وأرواحهم في سبيل الشعب الصحراوي الشقيق.. ويعلم أيضا أن هناك أصوات صادرة من مغاربة تُرفع وتقول لا للإستعمار المغربي في الصحراء.. فلبئس شبابي يُفنى تحت رحمة نظام نازي إستعماري جائر على بلد مُسلم


هـشــام بـوشـتــ     ـالنصر للشعب الصحراوي الشقيق 

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The EU can stop war in north Africa

Stability in the occupied Western Sahara could hinge on the EU's fisheries agreement with Morocco



western-sahara-war
Sahrawi women soldiers on parade in the liberated territories of Western Sahara. Photograph: Mohamed Messara/EPA
North-west Africa is on the brink of war. The situation is the worst in almost 20 years. The EU has the opportunity to influence the development towards a peaceful direction.
Western Sahara is Africa's last colony, occupied by Morocco since the 1970s. The occupation has no basis in international law. The international court of justice has heard the case and rejected Morocco's claim to the country, while reaffirming the inalienable right of the people of Western Sahara to self-determination.
In the beginning, the Sahrawis resisted the occupation with arms – the right of occupied peoples – but in 1991 a ceasefire was signed with a promise by the international community that a referendum would be held where the Sahrawis would be able to decide if they wanted to be independent or integrated into the occupying country, Morocco. Since then, numerous attempts have been made to implement the referendum, but Morocco has sabotaged all of them.
About 160,000 Sahrawis live in refugee camps in south-western Algeria, in the middle of the Sahara desert. Access to food and water is scarce. Sahrawi people in the occupied territories and those displaced to Morocco are living in fear. Moroccan authorities threaten, imprison and torture those who assert Western Sahara's right to independence.
Almost 20 years after the international community's promise, Western Sahara is still occupied. Patience among Sahrawis is running out.
The Polisario Front, the Sahrawi liberation organisation, is recognised by the United Nations as the sole and legitimate representative of the Sahrawi people, and is working through diplomatic means for an independent Western Sahara. The Olof Palme International Centre has long provided support for the Polisario Front and the Sahrawi people, for example, training women in the refugee camps in civilian occupations.
It was once the case that the Sahrawis were happy to abide by the ceasefire; but that is no longer the case. After nearly 20 years of occupation, people have begun to tire of false promises and of waiting. There is more and more talk of resuming the armed struggle. Our estimation is that a majority of the people want the Polisario Front to reconsider taking up arms. It both hurts and worries us. In our roles, we have consistently advocated peaceful solutions and diplomatic methods.
It is with great sadness that we see that the Sahrawis no longer believe in the possibility of restoring their country through peaceful means. At the same time, we understand the dejection that the Sahrawis feel.
The EU has a unique opportunity to influence the situation. The EU was formed to safeguard peace by increasing the inter-governmental exchanges based on respect for democracy, human rights and international law. But now, the EU is on the verge of contributing to the war in north Africa.
This year will see negotiations on the renewal of the EU fisheries agreement with Morocco. The agreement provides significant revenue to Morocco and allows fishing in the waters of the occupied Western Sahara. It therefore contravenes international law, since the rich catches are not made accessible to the Sahrawi people.
That was why Sweden voted against the agreement in 2006. But since then, more actors have called for attention to the agreement. The European parliament's legal experts have established that the agreement is illegal and must be changed. Hans Corell, the former UN undersecretary-general for legal affairs, has held that the fishing agreement is contrary to international law.
If the EU renews the fisheries agreement with Morocco as it is, the consequences could be catastrophic. The Sahrawi people are already disappointed with the EU, but many still hope that it will stand on the side of international law and exclude the occupied areas from the fisheries agreement. If that happens, it may well help to give Sahrawis a signal that the world has not forgotten them, and to show Morocco that the EU does not accept the occupation of Western Sahara.
However, if the occupied territories remain included in the agreement, the consequence could be war. The war will be a source of extreme instability in the region.
Therefore it is of utmost importance that Catherine Ashton, EU high representative for foreign affairs and security policy and vice-president of the European commission, act immediately. She and the union should:
1. Exclude the occupied Sahrawi areas from the fisheries agreement.
2. Require that Morocco cooperate with the UN and the Polisario Front, and implement the agreed referendum on self-determination for the Sahrawi people.
3. Follow the example of South Africa and over 80 other countries: recognise and establish diplomatic relations with the Saharawi Republic.
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Spain's lie still hurts Western Sahara


The outrage in Spain at Zapatero's failure to condemn the violent clampdown in Western Sahara reflects a historical guilt
The Spanish president, José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero, is having a tough time. No, on this occasion it is not the economy. Actually, it's something far removed from our everyday concerns; it couldn't be more far removed, in fact: the desert. Protests in the Morocco-occupied (and former Spanish colony) Western Sahara have been met with a violent clampdown, but the Spanish government has so far resisted calls to issue a condemnation. The government says it knows little of what's going on there, and that's true, since Morocco is detaining and expelling foreign journalists from the area. The government keeps saying it has to consider Spain's higher interest, but the Spanish public is outraged. To an outside observer, this level of anger over a seemingly faraway land may seem excessive. And it is, in a way. The Western Sahara is one of Spain's secret passions.
It all began with a lie. It was precisely 35 years ago, in November 1975. Back then Morocco pre-empted the referendum that should have led to an independent Western Sahara, in keeping with UN resolutions. The Sahrawi, whose flag sports the same colours as the Palestinians, counted on Spain's protection. But in a clever move, King Hassan II of Morocco sent over the militarised border hundreds of thousands of unarmed civilians (the green march) to force Spain either to back down or cause a massacre. Gandhi's book annotated by Milosevic. The timing was perfect: Spain's dictator, General Franco, was terminally ill, only days away from his death. In his last cabinet meeting, he had electrodes attached to his chest and a team of doctors was monitoring his heart from a nearby room. The electrocardiogram showed the precise moment in which the Sahara was mentioned. The pain the dying general felt was nothing compared to what the Sahrawi were about to feel – for in that cabinet meeting it was decided to hand the Western Sahara to Morocco.
In truth, it was all a sham. A pro-Morocco lobby had been at work in Madrid for years, preparing to circumvent the UN resolutions. Henry Kissinger had given his green light to the march and France didn't want a free Western Sahara, either. Both feared an independent country could become a base for revolutionary Algeria or even the USSR. To make it more embarrassing, the whole thing was presided over by King Juan Carlos, then a prince filling in for Franco as head of state. The truth was too shameful, so Spaniards were told a lie: Spain had been duped, we were told, betrayed by Morocco. We did our best, it could have been war.
Since then, this lie has evolved into a dichotomy between what people feel on this issue and what the governments that represent them do. Successive governments keep paying lip service to the rights of the Sahrawi people while going about their business with Morocco and slowly eroding those rights. At the same time, thousands of Sahrawi children have been hosted by Spanish families, and Spanish film stars and NGO activists have been hosted at the refugee camp in Tindouf, where they show their support and stage the hottest film festival in the world. There is no more powerful emotion than love except guilt, and when it comes to the Sahara both are intertwined in the Spanish collective psyche. The Sahrawi cause is the only thing that has ever united left and right in this country of fraternal hatreds: the right wing sees it as a matter of honour, the left as a matter of justice. No wonder people are angry at the government.
What has changed this time is that Spain has been awoken abruptly from a comfortable dream and is just discovering at last that it was no more than desert mirage. For a whole country to learn at once what political cynical analysts have always known is a true shock. No, Spain is not the gallant defender of an oppressed people but an active poacher of their riches. No, the UN will not keep its promise of a referendum in exchange for the ceasefire the Sahrawi have been holding for 20 years. Yes, the Sahrawi made a mistake and lost all their negotiating power. Peace processes are not always what they seem. And yes, if they go back to war now, they will be described as terrorists. It's only too fitting that everything that begins with a lie should end in a lie.
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PIDELE A TRINIDAD JIMENEZ

PIDELE A TRINIDAD JIMENEZ QUE CONDENE ROTUNDAMENTE LA REPRESIÓN DEL GOBIERNO MARROQUÍ EN EL SAHARA OCCIDENTAL 


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