Presidenta de CODESA ofrece conferencia sobre la lucha por el respeto de los DD.HH en el Sáhara Occidental | Sahara Press Service


Washington 27/03/12 (SPS) – La Presidenta del Colectivo Saharaui de Derechos Humanos (CODESA) y  activista de derechos humanos, Aminetu Haidar ofreció este martes en la  Facultad de Derecho de la Universidad George Washington en la capital de los EE.UU una conferencia magistral  sobre  "la lucha por el respeto de los derechos humanos en el Sáhara Occidental"
La activista  saharaui de los derechos humanos  visita  Washington por invitación de la asociación  George Washington de los derechos humanos y el Centro de Robert Kennedy.
La  presidenta de CODESA tiene en su haber varios premios  entre ellos Premio Juan María Bandrés a la Defensa del Derecho de Asilo y la Solidaridad con los Refugiados en mayo de 2006. En julio de 2007, recibe del Parlamento europeo el premio "Silver Rose Award 2007" . En septiembre de 2008, recibe el premio "Robert F. Kennedy" para los Derechos Humanos.
En octubre de 2008, recibe en Washington el Premio de Derechos Humanos Robert Kennedy por su compromiso "con la no violencia y la resistencia pacífica" en defensa de los Derechos Humanos. (SPS)
090/099 TRAD

READMORE
 

Norwegian Refugee Council - News Archive - Africa’s Last Colony


Africa’s Last Colony
Tip a friendPrint
Harriet Rudd (21.03.2012)
Twenty years ago, in 1992, a referendum of independence was to have taken place in order to allow the Sahrawian people to determine their own future. This strip of land in Africa’s north-westernmost corner has been partly occupied by Morocco since 1975. The UN and other international bodies have irrefutably acknowledged Western Sahara’s right to self-determination, and the Sahrawian demand for an independence referendum has strong support in international law. Despite this fact, the international community is doing little to further the Sahrawian right to self-determination.
 

At the end of April this year, the UN Security Council will review the mandate of MINURSO – or the UN Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara – the UN peacekeeping force in Western Sahara. Several human rights organisations and activists are calling for the Security Council to include human rights monitoring in MINURSO’s mandate. There is overwhelming evidence that the Saharawi people are being subjected to widespread human rights violations, but despite this fact, the Security Council will not expant the mandate.

MINURSO was established in 1991. The mission was given the task of monitoring the ceasefire-agreement between Morocco and the Sahrawian liberation movement, Polisario, and to organise a referendum of independence in Western Sahara.

The population were to be given the opportunity to determine – at the ballot boxes – if the disputed territory of Western Sahara should have its independence or become a part of Morocco. The referendum was scheduled to take place in the first half of 1992. To this day, however, more than two decades later, nothing has happened, and MINURSO’s mandate has been renewed, without any significant changes, 39 times.

 

STILL CONFIDENT.
 A Sahrawi woman shows the V sign at her home in the village of Tifariti, in Polisario-controlled Western Sahara, part of the liberated area of Western Sahara. Photo: Scanpix


The beginning of the Arab Spring
The American author and political activist, Noam Chomsky, has claimed that the Arab Spring did not, in fact, begin in Tunisia, but slightly further west, in Moroccan-occupied Western Sahara. In October 2010, activists established a protest camp in Gdim Izik, some kilometres from of the Western Saharan capital, Laayoune. The activists were protesting against economic and social injustices, and the marginalisation of the Sahrawian people. The camp rallied between 10,000 and 20,000 people.

While similar camps, erected over the following months in Egypt’s Tahir Square and in Yemen’s capital, Sanaa, attracted world wide attention, the camp in Gdim Izik, went largely unnoticed - not least because Moroccan authorities refused the press access to the area.

On the morning of 8 November, despite on-going negotiations between the protesters and the authorities, Moroccan security forces attacked and destroyed the camp. Many people were injured, and many more arrested. Moroccan authorities claimed that the protesters were being exploited by terrorists, and other forces allied to Morocco’s arch enemy, Algeria. They also maintained that people were being held back in the camp against their will, and that Sahrawian activists were using the camp in which to plan acts of violence.

The dismantling of the camp led to unrest in the capital, Laayoune. A total for 13 persons were killed at Gdim Izak, and the subsequent violence in Laayoun. 11 of the people killed were members of the security forces.

Serious human rights violations
Since 2000, all independent human rights organisations in the occupied territory have had to close down official activities. The organisations have either been closed down by order of a Moroccan court, or refused a required registration.

Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, have, for years, criticised Morocco for denying the Sahrawi people freedom of speech and assembly, and for using excessive force against Sahrawian protesters and harassing activists who preach independence. They have also documented that Sahrawian activists face politically motivated charges, risk torture if imprisoned, and are often denied a fair trial. Many have their cases heard by a military court.

In a report published in 2011, the American Robert F. Kennedy Center for Justice and Human Rights, writes that while over the last two decades the number of human rights violations, have decreased in Morocco, they “continue to happen on a daily basis in the occupied territory, and the conditions continue to deteriorate”.

The Security forces strike back 
The Sahrawian uprising at the end of 2011, resulted in a wave of human rights abuses in the occupied territory.

“In the aftermath of 8 November, the security forces conducted widespread raids on private Sahrawian homes, and Sahrawians were subjected to arbitrary arrests, says Sidi Mahammed Daddach, a prominent Sahrawian human rights activist.

Furthermore, in additon to the violence used during the dismantling of the camp, the security forces also used excessive force during the protests in Laayoune, he continues. He is especially critical to the fact that some members of the security forces wore civilian clothing, making it impossible, at a later date, to hold them accountable for their actions.

Several international organisations have collected testimonies documenting that people who were arrested in connection with the unrest were beaten, forced to drink urin, and subjected to sexual abuse. The police also refused to give information to relatives looking for family members they thought had been arrested. Many of the detained were forced to sign fraudulent confessions, or put their thumb print on documents they did not know the content of.

Information of vital importance
Daddach, who was released in 2001, after having spent 24 years in prison – 14 of them under sentence of death - strongly underlines the importance of keeping the outside world informed about developments in Western Sahara.

“We demand that Moroccan authorities allow journalists to report freely from the area, and that the international community establishes a committee to monitor the human rights situation in the occupied territory,” says Daddach.

He also calls for European parliamentarian delegations to visit the region in order to experience and report on the conditions Sahrawians are living under. Daddach appeals especially to foreign delegations to try and visit Morocco during the trials of 23 well-known Sahrawi activists scheduled to appear in front of a military tribunal in the Moroccan capital, Rabat. All such missions are, however, dependent on Moroccan consent, and permission may not be forthcoming, particularly in times of high tension.

No help from the Security Council
Despite overwhelming documentation that serious human rights violations are being committed in Western Sahara, the UN Security Council will, at the end of April, refuse to include human rights monitoring in MINURSO’s mandate.

This is, perhaps, not surprising as two of the Council’s five permanent members – the US and France - are among Morocco’s chief allies. Spain, another staunch supporter of Morocco, is currently also on the Council, and as of 1 January 2012, Morocco also became a member of the Council.

“The Security Council will never expand MINURSO’s mandate,” says Francesco Bastagli, a former UN special representative and head of mission in Western Sahara.

He therefore suggests looking into alternative strategies, independent of the Security Council, in order to achieve human rights monitoring within the UN system.

“One could establish an office in Western Sahara under the UN’s Commissioner for Human Rights, or follow the example of what was done for the Palestinian people. Long ago, a joint UN inter-agency effort assessed their needs in such areas as health and education and subsequently launched an assistance programme that also addresses human rights issues,” Bastagli says.

Bastagli, has, after leaving his UN post become a strong supporter of the Sahrawi people, and also voices criticism of the UN’s performance on issues related to Western Sahara.

While democracy and human rights activists in other parts of North Africa and the Middle East are warmly applauded by the West, the Sahrawian uprising is ignored. As the Sahrawian people put it: “Western Sahara has many friends, Morocco has powerful friends.”
 
READMORE
 

The 'Berlin Wall' of the desert

On the 20th anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall Stefan Simanowitz reports from Western Sahara on the wall that has separated a nation for 29 years
Whilst the world is commemorating the fall of the Berlin Wall another less well-known wall that separates a nation and its people still stands tall. At 1553 miles long, the wall that divides Western Sahara, is twelve times longer than the Berlin Wall and, having stood for 29 years, is now a year older than the Berlin Wall was when it was toppled.
Known as ’the Berm’, the wall was constructed by the Moroccans from sand and stone to keep the Polisario Front, the Western Sahara liberation movement, out of the territory and prevent the 165,000 Saharawi refugees from returning to their land. Standing at around 3m in height, the wall runs through desert and is fortified with barbed-wire fencing, artillery posts and among the highest density of land mines in the world.
Like the wall that separates the Israeli and Palestinian populations in the West Bank, the Berm has become a potent symbol of the occupation and focus for protests. Last April nineteen-year-old Ibrahim Hussein Leibeit was taking part in one of the frequent marches to the wall organised by Saharawi’s living in the refugee camps. In a symbolic gesture, Ibrahim was attempting to get close enough to the wall to throw a pebble to the other side when he trod a land mine. He lost his right leg below the knee and in the following months he has become something of a hero to the Saharawi cause.
Unlike the Berlin Wall or the wall in Palestine, only a few people have heard either of the Berm or the conflict in Western Sahara, which remains one of the longest running conflicts in the world. About the size of Britain, Western Sahara lies along Africa’s Atlantic coast. It was colonised by Spain, but in 1976, in a breach of international law, the Spanish colonisers divided Western Sahara between Morocco and Mauritainia in exchange for continued fishing rights and partial ownership of mining interests. A fifteen-year war ensued between the Moroccans and the Western Saharan liberation movement, the Polisario Front. The Mauritanians withdrew in 1979. The fighting was brutal, with Morocco using her well equipped army and air-force to full effect but the Saharawi’s conducting an effective counter insurgency. In 1980 the Moroccan’s began constructing the Berm to try and contain the Polisario but with little success. In 1991 a ceasefire was declared and under the terms of a UN agreement a referendum for self-determination was promised. Seventeen years later the Saharawi are still awaiting that referendum.
Virtually all Saharawi from Western Sahara have experienced some form of separation from their family as a result of the Berm. Aziza Brahim, 33, was born in exile in a refugee camp in Algeria, her mother having carried her across the border from Western Sahara in her womb as she fled the advance of Moroccan occupying armies in 1976. “I never got the chance to meet my father before he died,” says Brahim who’s father remained in Western Sahara. “The pain of this is carved into my spine”. She still has brothers in the so-called ‘occupied zone’ with whom the only contact she has had has been by telephone. Through the negotiation process, some family exchanges have been arranged and the lucky few families have had fleeting and emotional reunions for the first time in over three decades.
Whilst it is estimated well over a hundred people died trying to escape over the Berlin Wall to the West, the figure for the number of people killed or injured trying to cross the Berm remains unknown. When I met Ibrahim Hussein Leibeit, just weeks after he had lost his leg, he was in constant pain, shifting his weight in obvious discomfort. However, he had no regrets. ‘I would gladly lose my other leg if it would mean my country could be free,’ he said with earnest.
Stefan Simanowitz, a journalist and broadcaster, travelled to the Berm in May 2009.
READMORE
 

Freedom's Voice: The sacred and the profane


The sacred and the profane




Morocco

Jan 8th 2009 | RABAT
From The Economist print edition

It remains a crime to criticise the king, who still has the final say


DRIVE into Morocco’s countryside and you are likely to come across neat piles of white stones stacked on hillsides, forming giant Arabic letters that spell out the country’s motto, “Allah, al-Watan, al-Malik” (God, the Nation, the King). These words are officially sacred: any challenge to what they represent is punishable by law. King Muhammad VI’s Morocco has made much progress towards freedom of speech, but his regime still enforces the three-word motto with alacrity.

McDonald’s, America’s fast-food giant, recently discovered the limits of that tolerance when it was forced to apologise after distributing a map of its restaurants in Morocco without including the disputed Western Sahara as part of the kingdom. Despite calls for a boycott in the nationalist press, the chain’s swift self-abasement sufficed to quell the row, perhaps because it had already proved its commitment to national integrity by marketing a “McSahara” hamburger.

But other offenders have got off less lightly. In recent years, as the result of a spate of libel suits, journalists have had to pay ever-bigger fines which, press watchdogs say, are aimed at muzzling the independent press. Rachid Niny, editor of the bestselling populist daily al-Massae, was fined 600,000 dirhams (about $70,000), only a month after a court had told him to pay a record fine of 6m dirhams in another case. Mr Niny says that the growing size of the fines is meant to shut down his newspaper.

Two of Morocco’s most outspoken journalists have had to go into exile. Ali Lamrabet was banned from practising his profession, and Aboubakr Jamai fled to escape a massive fine. Other cases against leading journalists are pending; one has been charged with “prejudice to the person of the monarch”. The regime’s political opponents face similar sanctions. Nadia Yassine, daughter of the leader of Morocco’s largest Islamist group, al-Adl wa al-Ihsan (Justice and Benevolence), has had a trial for lèse-majesté pending for three years, since she claimed in a casual remark to a journalist that she was not averse to having a republic.

Justice and Benevolence is an unusual Islamist movement. It combines Sufi mysticism, modern political language and the personality cult of its leader, Sheikh Abdesalem Yassine. It is also the country’s sole remaining serious political force that has not been brought into the official fold. Most other dissidents, on left and right, made their peace with the regime more than a decade ago, when King Hassan II, who died in 1999, was paving the way for his son. But followers of Justice and Benevolence refuse to take part until two of the constitution’s articles are revised: the 19th, which gives a lot of power to the king, recognising him as Commander of the Faithful, thus heir to the Prophet Muhammad and rightful leader of Morocco’s Muslims; and the 23rd, which states that “the person of the king is sacred and inviolate”. As a result, Justice and Benevolence faces steady repression. It is not certain that it will still refuse to compromise once Sheikh Yassine, now a fragile 80-year-old, has gone. But the rewards for joining mainstream politics look less tempting than before.

Abdelilah Benkirane, leader of Morocco’s other big Islamist group, the Justice and Development Party, the largest opposition force in parliament, accepts that his movement’s transition from secrecy to full integration has come at a price; it is kept in check by electoral shenanigans and other means. “The public is deeply dissatisfied with political parties, which operate under severe restrictions,” he says, pointing to a record low turnout in a general election in 2007, when his party came second rather than winning handsomely, as expected.

Mr Benkirane is no revolutionary. “I am deeply committed to this state, to the role of the king as holder of the balance between different parts of our national identity,” he says. “But there are only two ways to get out of this impasse. Either, against all odds, we remove the administration’s tight control of politics or we show we can make an impact by taking part in government.” But so far the regime seems bent on continuing to exclude Justice and Development from a governing coalition, which coalesced on an anti-Islamist platform.

Many secular-minded politicians agree that the regime controls politics too tightly. The biggest parties are hamstrung by their deference to the old establishment and by a phenomenon that some Moroccans call “transhumance”: the way politicians connected to the palace change their affiliation according to the calculations of the day. “We were right to integrate our parties into the system after wasting too many years fighting or boycotting it,” says a former minister from a left-wing party. “But we must keep up the pressure.”

Yet whereas Morocco’s monarchy has nimbly managed the transition from Hassan II to Muhammad VI and has steadied politics by opening it up to former dissidents, most political parties have not quite adapted to the new system, nor have they shown much sign of democracy within themselves. So people see little point in politics, reckoning that “all real decisions”, as they tend to put it, are still made in the palace or the interior ministry.

Nice enough when he’s home
As a result, the king has come under greater scrutiny by his people. He is said to be both reclusive and thin-skinned, occasionally losing his temper with his advisers. He spends a lot of time outside the country; at one point last year, the cabinet found itself constitutionally unable to enact new laws because he had been away for several months. When he comes home, he catches up on lost time by criss-crossing his country, opening new public facilities and dispensing largesse as ministers and governors trot along behind.

In September a court in the southern town of Agadir sentenced a blogger, Muhammad Erraji, to two years in prison plus a fine. Mr Erraji had criticised the king’s habit of doling out gifts on his trips, arguing that it encouraged a “culture of dependency”. Though the verdict was overturned, it showed that the taboo against directly criticising the king is still fiercely upheld. Later that month another young man, Yassine Bellasal, was sentenced to a year in prison (suspended) and a fine for offending the king. Mr Bellasal’s crime was to spray a spoof graffito of the national moto—“God, the Nation, the Barça”—replacing the monarch with his favourite football club, FC Barcelona. An appeals court recently upheld the verdict, suggesting that, even in football-mad Morocco, some things are still considered more sacred than the beautiful game.

READMORE
 

My Struggle to Get a Good Education By Agaila Abba




I asked myself: “What has impacted me the most as a person?” The answer is my journey to get a good education. This journey has made me sacrifice the most precious things in my life: my family, friends and culture. However, it has made me a young woman of dignity by giving me a purpose in life and by opening the doors of unexpected opportunities. 
I was born in one of the biggest refugee camps in the world. It is located in the Southwestern Algerian desert, where the temperature can reach 130 degrees Fahrenheit. It was there where my family and I, as victims of a three-decade-long dispute between Western Sahara and Morocco, took shelter. It was there where knowledge about the outside world was lacking, but where there was a hunger for learning and the determination to improve the rate of illiteracy was found. Growing up, all I knew were the hardships of the desert, mud-brick houses, and the tents made of thick, green canvas material. Nevertheless, things took a turn in another direction when I was selected for a special program that takes children who lost their fathers in the war to spend the summer with a Spanish host-family away from the hardship and the heat of the refugee camps.
It was at the age of ten when I made the decision to stay in Spain to begin my education. It was not an easy decision to make after having to leave behind my most beloved ones for twelve years. This decision made me miss the births and the most important stages in the life of my four younger sisters. Not only has this decision made me sacrifice my family, but also my culture, language and values. However, this sacrifice has taught me the most important principles which have helped me to learn how to live in different cultures and to respect their peoples. In addition to that, I built my character and strengthened my beliefs as an independent young woman. 
These principles have helped me to be the young women of dignity that I am today by giving me a purpose that has given me a sense of understanding of my own hunger to get a good education. This hunger is the root of my passion and the dream of being one of the first female ambassadors of my nation to help my people in their fight for freedom. This purpose has given me a sense of belonging that makes me appreciate my own ethnicity, culture and language despite the fact that I have not lived with my people for a long time. It has also helped me maintain my language and culture throughout these years
My determination has opened the doors of unexpected opportunities, making the impossible a reality: first, going to Spain to study and later, being one of the first Saharawi to ever come to the USA and graduate from an American high school. This summer, I had the opportunity to read one of my poems in the presence of dozens of congressmen and senators in a reception on Capitol Hill. Similarly, in October of this year, I spoke as a petitioner before the UN’s Fourth Committee as an advocate for my people making me one of the first Saharawi women to do such a thing. Not only have these opportunities allowed me to meet many ambassadors and representatives from around the world, but also allowed me to have a Saharawi diplomatic-traditional tea and make connections with the Saharawi ambassador to the UN. Moreover, I received lectures by the Saharawi Minister of Foreign Affairs. In fact, when I asked him at the end: “What advice would you give to a young woman like me?” he simply said: “Study, study and study very hard, and be a good diplomat for our nation.”
Having analyzed the impact of education on my journey in life, I ask myself yet again: “Do I regret the sacrifice of being away from my beloved ones?” The answer is: No, I do not regret the sacrifice of being away from my family, or any other sacrifice because those sacrifices are what have given me a purpose to pursue my dreams and the opportunity to live an extraordinary life that leaves me with a unique story to tell. Moreover, my journey and the determination to get a good education will have an impact on my people in the refugee camps as well as others of different nations


By Agaila Abba blog freeewesternsahara


READMORE
 

‘We are not all free yet’ | The New Age Online



‘We are not all free yet’

Premier Cassel Mathale urged the public to take a moment to think about the people of Palestine and Western Sahara who continue to live under oppression where their rights to sovereignty and other human rights are violated daily.

He said this during an address at Aganang municipality on Human Rights Day.

He said: “We must also remember many comrades and innocent civilians who were killed in Lesotho, Mozambique, Swaziland, Zimbabwe, Namibia and other parts of the continent. Many Africans laid down their lives as part of furthering the objectives of our cause for freedom and democracy.”

Mathale pointed out that human rights month this year had the theme of joining hands to promote unity in diversity and human dignity for all.

He said: “We have always understood that the most immediate fundamental step needed to take our nation forward was the unity of our people across all racial lines.

“This year, we are also celebrating 15 years since the adoption of our Constitution, which is the supreme law of the republic. Our Constitution does not only promote the fundamental rights of our people but also guarantees these rights with a remedy for their violation.”

Mathale said the ANC-led government will continue to protect the institutions that are aimed at strengthening our democracy such the Chapter 9 institutions and, most importantly, the judiciary.

“We have registered great strides in uniting our people behind the new vision of respecting each other’s history and culture.

“We must continue with the work of building a united nation that offers more opportunities for our people.

“Our efforts to construct a caring society that is more interested in building a non-racial, non-sexist democratic South African must continue.”

On the African situation, Mathale said: “The fact that hundreds of thousands of our fellow Africans, including women and children, are in refugee camps means more still needs to be done in creating a situation where human rights are respected and promoted.”

On the recent conviction of warlord Thomas Kubanga he said: “The punishment of the violators of human rights must not be restricted to African people, but must also include other people from other continents, especially leaders of the so-called ‘super powers’.

“All perpetrators of human rights must be prosecuted. There is no convention that says only Africans must endure the wrath of justice,” said Mathale.
READMORE
 

Norwegian Refugee Council - News Archive - Africa’s Last Colony



Tip a friendPrint
Harriet Rudd (21.03.2012)
Twenty years ago, in 1992, a referendum of independence was to have taken place in order to allow the Sahrawian people to determine their own future. This strip of land in Africa’s north-westernmost corner has been partly occupied by Morocco since 1975. The UN and other international bodies have irrefutably acknowledged Western Sahara’s right to self-determination, and the Sahrawian demand for an independence referendum has strong support in international law. Despite this fact, the international community is doing little to further the Sahrawian right to self-determination.
 

At the end of April this year, the UN Security Council will review the mandate of MINURSO – or the UN Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara – the UN peacekeeping force in Western Sahara. Several human rights organisations and activists are calling for the Security Council to include human rights monitoring in MINURSO’s mandate. There is overwhelming evidence that the Saharawi people are being subjected to widespread human rights violations, but despite this fact, the Security Council will not expant the mandate.

MINURSO was established in 1991. The mission was given the task of monitoring the ceasefire-agreement between Morocco and the Sahrawian liberation movement, Polisario, and to organise a referendum of independence in Western Sahara.

The population were to be given the opportunity to determine – at the ballot boxes – if the disputed territory of Western Sahara should have its independence or become a part of Morocco. The referendum was scheduled to take place in the first half of 1992. To this day, however, more than two decades later, nothing has happened, and MINURSO’s mandate has been renewed, without any significant changes, 39 times.

 

STILL CONFIDENT.
 A Sahrawi woman shows the V sign at her home in the village of Tifariti, in Polisario-controlled Western Sahara, part of the liberated area of Western Sahara. Photo: Scanpix


The beginning of the Arab Spring
The American author and political activist, Noam Chomsky, has claimed that the Arab Spring did not, in fact, begin in Tunisia, but slightly further west, in Moroccan-occupied Western Sahara. In October 2010, activists established a protest camp in Gdim Izik, some kilometres from of the Western Saharan capital, Laayoune. The activists were protesting against economic and social injustices, and the marginalisation of the Sahrawian people. The camp rallied between 10,000 and 20,000 people.

While similar camps, erected over the following months in Egypt’s Tahir Square and in Yemen’s capital, Sanaa, attracted world wide attention, the camp in Gdim Izik, went largely unnoticed - not least because Moroccan authorities refused the press access to the area.

On the morning of 8 November, despite on-going negotiations between the protesters and the authorities, Moroccan security forces attacked and destroyed the camp. Many people were injured, and many more arrested. Moroccan authorities claimed that the protesters were being exploited by terrorists, and other forces allied to Morocco’s arch enemy, Algeria. They also maintained that people were being held back in the camp against their will, and that Sahrawian activists were using the camp in which to plan acts of violence.

The dismantling of the camp led to unrest in the capital, Laayoune. A total for 13 persons were killed at Gdim Izak, and the subsequent violence in Laayoun. 11 of the people killed were members of the security forces.

Serious human rights violations
Since 2000, all independent human rights organisations in the occupied territory have had to close down official activities. The organisations have either been closed down by order of a Moroccan court, or refused a required registration.

Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, have, for years, criticised Morocco for denying the Sahrawi people freedom of speech and assembly, and for using excessive force against Sahrawian protesters and harassing activists who preach independence. They have also documented that Sahrawian activists face politically motivated charges, risk torture if imprisoned, and are often denied a fair trial. Many have their cases heard by a military court.

In a report published in 2011, the American Robert F. Kennedy Center for Justice and Human Rights, writes that while over the last two decades the number of human rights violations, have decreased in Morocco, they “continue to happen on a daily basis in the occupied territory, and the conditions continue to deteriorate”.

The Security forces strike back 
The Sahrawian uprising at the end of 2011, resulted in a wave of human rights abuses in the occupied territory.

“In the aftermath of 8 November, the security forces conducted widespread raids on private Sahrawian homes, and Sahrawians were subjected to arbitrary arrests, says Sidi Mahammed Daddach, a prominent Sahrawian human rights activist.

Furthermore, in additon to the violence used during the dismantling of the camp, the security forces also used excessive force during the protests in Laayoune, he continues. He is especially critical to the fact that some members of the security forces wore civilian clothing, making it impossible, at a later date, to hold them accountable for their actions.

Several international organisations have collected testimonies documenting that people who were arrested in connection with the unrest were beaten, forced to drink urin, and subjected to sexual abuse. The police also refused to give information to relatives looking for family members they thought had been arrested. Many of the detained were forced to sign fraudulent confessions, or put their thumb print on documents they did not know the content of.

Information of vital importance
Daddach, who was released in 2001, after having spent 24 years in prison – 14 of them under sentence of death - strongly underlines the importance of keeping the outside world informed about developments in Western Sahara.

“We demand that Moroccan authorities allow journalists to report freely from the area, and that the international community establishes a committee to monitor the human rights situation in the occupied territory,” says Daddach.

He also calls for European parliamentarian delegations to visit the region in order to experience and report on the conditions Sahrawians are living under. Daddach appeals especially to foreign delegations to try and visit Morocco during the trials of 23 well-known Sahrawi activists scheduled to appear in front of a military tribunal in the Moroccan capital, Rabat. All such missions are, however, dependent on Moroccan consent, and permission may not be forthcoming, particularly in times of high tension.

No help from the Security Council
Despite overwhelming documentation that serious human rights violations are being committed in Western Sahara, the UN Security Council will, at the end of April, refuse to include human rights monitoring in MINURSO’s mandate.

This is, perhaps, not surprising as two of the Council’s five permanent members – the US and France - are among Morocco’s chief allies. Spain, another staunch supporter of Morocco, is currently also on the Council, and as of 1 January 2012, Morocco also became a member of the Council.

“The Security Council will never expand MINURSO’s mandate,” says Francesco Bastagli, a former UN special representative and head of mission in Western Sahara.

He therefore suggests looking into alternative strategies, independent of the Security Council, in order to achieve human rights monitoring within the UN system.

“One could establish an office in Western Sahara under the UN’s Commissioner for Human Rights, or follow the example of what was done for the Palestinian people. Long ago, a joint UN inter-agency effort assessed their needs in such areas as health and education and subsequently launched an assistance programme that also addresses human rights issues,” Bastagli says.

Bastagli, has, after leaving his UN post become a strong supporter of the Sahrawi people, and also voices criticism of the UN’s performance on issues related to Western Sahara.

While democracy and human rights activists in other parts of North Africa and the Middle East are warmly applauded by the West, the Sahrawian uprising is ignored. As the Sahrawian people put it: “Western Sahara has many friends, Morocco has powerful friends.”
 
READMORE